Microaggressions
and Harm—Part II
In the previous
post, I argued that the concept of “microaggression” does no necessary work
and, given its potential to confuse, is best discarded. In this post, I will
examine the supposed connections between microaggressions and harm. I will argue (1) that such connections
are virtually impossible to establish, especially given the alleged nature of
microaggressions; (2) that due to mental mediation (to be explained) the
concept of “harm” cannot easily be used to justify the moral seriousness of
microaggressions; and (3) that even if my first two points are wrong, it takes
further argument to show that the harms are also moral wrongs or morally
objectionable.
Let’s work with
the following example of a microaggression: An Arab student in a class—let’s
call her “Warda”—believes that the teacher—let’s call him “David”—corrects or
argues with her when she participates in class discussion more than he does with
other students. She thinks that he does this because he is Jewish, he is biased
against Arabs, and he knows that she is Arab. As it so happens, the teacher in
question does have an implicit bias against Arabs, so he does come down harder
on her than he does on other students, though he does not do so intentionally
or in a self-conscious way. (For those who do not like this example, you can
choose your favorite ethnicity or religion.)
As I mentioned
in the previous post, the main reason why microaggressions are thought to be
worthy of attention is their causal connection to harm; supposedly microaggressions
can lead to harms that, as they pile up over the course of a lifetime, can be
quite serious. What are these harms?
Christina
Friedlaender offers a taxonomy of six types of such harms (“On Microaggressions,”
Hypatia 33: 1, pp. 5-21, at pp. 7-8):
(i) A “single microaggression can
cause negative emotional, behavioral, and cognitive responses in the target”—Warda’s
heart palpitates rapidly when she raises her hand and David calls on her, and
her mind panics as she listens to and takes in his comments on what she said.
(ii) The target has to second-guess
whether the act was motivated by their belonging to the marginalized group—Warda
has to think whether David’s remarks were really based on the content of what
she said or on her being Arab.
(iii) Because of (ii), the targets
of microaggressions don’t know whether to respond to them or not—Warda does not
know whether to say something to David about his microaggressions because she
is not sure whether they are microaggressions or not.
(iv) “Microaggressions produce
material harms and reinforce larger structural problems (for example,
race/gender wage gaps)”—Warda’s learning environment might feel hostile, which
might cause her to psychologically withdraw or just give up on some of her
courses.
(v) Microaggressions “can reinforce
stereotypes about oppressed groups, putting individuals at risk for stereotype
threat”—if there’s a stereotype about Arabs that they are not very smart,
David’s constant arguing with Warda can reinforce it.
(vi) The harms of microaggressions
can accumulate over time, both in number and in intensity (the more there are
of them, the more intense they become over time)—Warda’s subjection to microaggressions
over time might result in many difficulties for her. Note here that even if
later microaggressions are less individually severe than earlier ones, they
might still intensify the harm simply because they are later or cumulative.
I have two
serious reservations about this taxonomy, which I will mention and set aside. First,
the taxonomy inflates the types of harm: it is obvious that (ii) and (iii) are
variations of (i); after all, both are unpleasant or negative mental reactions,
which should thus be classified under (i). Second, the last seems to not be a type of harm but a modification of the
rest (e.g., in their intensity). Still, even if we subsume (ii) and (iii) under
(i), and we discard (vi), we are left with an impressive number of harms (three)
and a potentially problematic feature of them (their intensity and
accumulation). So let’s look into them a bit.
(1) The language
that Friedlaender uses in listing the harms bothers me. She uses “can”
constantly: microaggressions “can” cause a hostile working environment, they
“can” reinforce stereotypes, they “can” cause negative emotional and cognitive
reactions. This bothers me because of course they can. “Can” indicates possibilities, but if we wish to provide a
strong link between microaggressions and harm, these links cannot merely refer
to possible outcomes, but to actual or probable outcomes, which should be linked
in a strong way to microaggressions. What I mean is that microaggressions must
be found in a large number of cases in which these harms are established and
that they played a major causal role in leading to the harms, not merely a
minor role or have been present as a mere correlation.
For instance,
let’s suppose that those who suffer from micro-aggressions also suffer from
racist hate speech and other racist acts, and who, as a result of years of
struggling with racism, are emotionally, psychically, and cognitively
exhausted. How confident would we be in attributing a major causal role for the
harms to microaggressions? Not at all, because the large share of the blame
falls on racism and racist hate speech.
One reason for
this is that hate speech and other forms of racism are more serious than microaggressions
(at least when the latter are considered individually). Another reason is that,
given the definition of “microaggression” that heavily relies on the notion of
group-based oppression, we can assume that members of these groups suffer the
worse ignominies of oppression. Now, when microaggressions occur, they
typically do so by targeting someone already targeted by worse forms of
oppression, which makes attributing the harms she suffers to microaggressions
all the more difficult.
A third reasons
is that because many of the harms have a subjective nature or, put differently,
rely on the mental mediation of the target, assessing the objectivity of these
harms, and therefore their causal role in the overall harms of the target’s
life, is all the more difficult.
What does
“mental mediation” mean? It refers to the role that the beliefs, desires, and,
more generally, the psychology of the person plays in how external events
impact the person. Suppose that I am a hyper-sensitive individual. My friends
often joke with me about my habits or character, but this makes me incredibly
upset and anxious, and I spend hours dwelling on these remarks. No doubt, all
this dwelling deepens my negative emotional and mental state. Yet how much of
this harmed state of mine can be causally attributed to my friends’ remarks?
Very little, because much of it is my own doing, and because “my own doing” is
not justified at all in this case (as it would be in cases in which someone,
say, is intentionally gas-lighting me). This means that an objective assessment
of the causes of my harms cannot include only (or even mainly) my friends’
jokes.
(Judith Jarvis
Thomson, one of the greatest minds of contemporary philosophy, argues in her
book, The Realm of Rights [Harvard
University Press, 1990, ch. 10], that we have no rights against others that
they not cause us what she calls “belief-mediated distress,” precisely because
how people feel stress is mediated by their beliefs. I think that Thomson takes
her view too far to be true, but the idea that the role of our beliefs and character
should be given careful consideration when assessing moral wrongdoing is
correct. We will see this point again under [2] below.)
I want to say
that something similar can easily occur in suffering the harms of
microaggressions. Suppose that Warda is very sensitive about anti-Arab bias. It
is then likely that the effects of microaggressions will be much intensified in
her psyche than in someone else’s psyche that does not suffer from extra
sensitivity. But, as in my example above, this intensification cannot be (fully)
causally attributed to the microaggressions, and some of it is caused by Warda’s
over-sensitive personality.
A final reason
is that because by definition micro-aggressions are subtle and almost humdrum,
because they are brief and commonplace, and because “due to their subtlety, it
is often ambiguous as to whether an act was in fact microaggressive, making
them rather hard to identify or point out to others” (Friedlaender, p. 6),
their harmful impact becomes even harder to identify, let alone measure.
Because of these
reasons, I see no way, let alone an easy way, to trace, identify, or be
confident of the actual harms of micro-aggressions, and none of the accounts of
the harms of micro-aggressions that I have seen corroborate these harms.
Instead, they speculate about the harms with an unjustified confidence that,
because we have latched onto a concept whose immorality and (micro)monstrosity
seem to make sense, it must surely be the case that it leads to harm. This is
“arm-chair philosophizing” indeed, with the worst connotations of this
expression fully justified.
(2) Mental
mediation causes trouble in another way for the idea of the harms of microaggressions.
For virtually any act that we can think of as a microaggression, it might have
a different impact on its receiver. Consider Zahra, another Arab student in another
class with David. David does the same thing to Zahra that he does to Warda, and
he does it because he knows that Zahra is Arab and because of his implicit bias
against Arabs. Zahra does not know this, so she attributes his behavior to
David’s wanting her to be more thorough in her thinking and education, and this
not only does not bother Zahra, it also pleases
her. It makes her want to go to class and intellectually wrangle with David.
(Note that the
subjective nature of harm plays a different role in this point than in the
point mentioned above. In the latter, it is about the ease with which to trace
the causal role of microaggressions on the harm. Now, it is about whether microaggressions
cause harm at all and to what degree.)
(Note also that
it is an interesting question whether, for someone to suffer the harms of microaggressions,
one has to identify them as such. There are good reasons for answering this
question both positively and negatively.)
Now change the
case a little bit. Suppose that Zahra and Warda are friends, and that Warda
alerts Zahra to David’s implicit bias and, after a while of looking into
things, Zahra comes to realize that David is, indeed, an anti-Arab bigot.
David’s racism bothers Zahra, but, given her character, David’s interactions with her in class do not.
That is, even though she knows that David has anti-Arab implicit bias, even
though she dislikes this about him, and even though she knows that his bias
leads him to crack the intellectual whip on her in class, this does not bother
her. As a matter of fact, she likes it, because she now sees herself as the
person to prove to David that Arabs can be as intellectual as the next genius,
and she has come to relish the opportunity to argue with him in class,
something that has also come to give her immense pleasure and satisfaction.
These examples
show that the existence and severity of the alleged harms of microaggressions
depend a lot on the person who receives him: depending on her character, they
might bother her a lot, bother her a bit, or not bother her at all (this is not
an exhaustive list of possible reactions). Like many psychic harms, their
existence depends to a large extent on the receiver’s personality and
circumstances. Although they exist in some cases, they do not or need not in
others.
It is worth
comparing the alleged harms of microaggressions to those of hate speech. First,
anyone who is aware of the meaning and purpose of hate speech is almost likely
to feel belittled, humiliated, demeaned, etc., when such speech is used against
him. If I get into a verbal altercation with someone, my stress levels will
surely go up, as normally happens in altercations. But if the person proceeds
to throw racist epithets at me, telling me that my time would be put to better
use “cleaning up the desert sand that is trickling out of my turban,” it is
perfectly expected that my stress levels rise even higher. Hate speech leaves
no room for doubt that it is meant to demean and to put one in one’s “place,”
and the resulting negative emotional and cognitive state is probably swift and
almost sure to occur. Even if someone somehow manages to shield himself from
such emotional hurt, we can make the case that hate speech is still harmful
because it is insulting and demeaning. That is, if we distinguish between harms
and hurts, then even if someone were not hurt by hate speech, he is still
harmed, given that such speech is an assault on his dignity or humanity. So when
someone calls me a “towelhead” and I am not hurt by it, I am still harmed,
given that the speech is an attack on my dignity.
Nothing
comparable exists in the case of microaggressions: their hurtful nature highly
depends on the personality and sensitivity of the receiver and on the extent to
which the receiver is sensitive to the discourse about microaggressions and
their seriousness. Moreover, given the ambiguous nature of many acts as to
whether they are microaggressions or not (see the previous post), no clear
connection can be made to their standing, demeaning nature, as can be made in
connection to hate speech.
Mental mediation
plays a third role, specifically, in turning the hurts of microaggressions into
benefits or preventing them from becoming harms.
Let’s agree that
being micro-aggressed against is not pleasant. However, this state of
unpleasantness can be manipulated or mentally worked in three ways: to make it
worse, to make it neutral, and to make it beneficial.
Consider a
non-microaggression example. I meet with my teacher, who tells me that I am
failing her class. This knowledge is bound to cause me pain, anxiety, and
panic. Yet what I do with this state is up to me (barring exceptional situations
specific to particular individuals). I can allow it to haunt me to the point of
paralysis. I can try to set it aside and not dwell on it. Or I can use it to
spur myself to work harder in the course. The last option illustrates how
anxiety can be good for me. (This situation is common, by the way: many
people’s anxieties keep them on their toes and prevent them from not taking
things for granted, thus spurring them to continue to do a good job or to do a
better one.)
Take the case of
Warda again. She and Zahra have talked, and Zahra convinced her to stand up to
David. Zahra tells her that perhaps these microaggressions are useful because
“they build character.” “After all,” she adds, “it’s not as if David is intentionally doing this to you, right?”
So Warda takes this advice to heart and uses the anxiety and stress she feels
as motivational states to prove to David (and to herself) her intellectual
capabilities.
The point is
that even if microaggressions can harm, depending on the personality of their
victim, their harms can stay as hurts and not be transformed into something
uglier, and in some cases can become beneficial. (In case you accuse me of letting
the perpetrator of microaggressions off the moral hook, keep in mind that I am discussing cases of unintentional
microaggressions, those due to implicit bias. However, and if I may be so bold,
even in cases of intentional ones the victim can still try to neutralize them
or make them beneficial.)
Thus, mental mediation plays a crucial role in the alleged
harms of microaggressions. Keeping this role in mind should prevent us from
inflating the seriousness of the harms.
(Incidentally, mental mediation can play another
pernicious role, but one not pertinent to our discussion, which is when someone
misjudges the actions of another as
microaggressions and experiences their harms as a result. We can imagine a case
in which Warda takes a class with another Jewish teacher, Adam, who is also
tougher on her than other students but only because he admires Arabs and wants
Warda to excel. She, however, takes him to be another David and so experiences
his actions as microaggressions, with all the attendant ensuing complexities.
This case, which might be common among hyper-sensitive people, is not relevant
because our theme are the harms of real cases of microaggressions, not illusory
ones. Nonetheless, the case does alert us to proceed with caution if we try to
establish the existence of a microaggression based on the experience of its “victim.”)
(3) Let us
suppose that microaggressions cause harm and serious ones at that, at least as
they accumulate. The question to ask now is this: Are all these harms morally
wrong or morally objectionable?
People are often
harmed by non-human causes, such as natural disasters. But when this happens,
we do not claim that the harmed people are morally wronged, often calling such
causes “acts of God.” Even when the causes are human people, the harm is not
always morally wrong. Because of a parade, I am late going to an important
meeting; because of competition, I lose a game or a job; because of my
sensitivity to noise, I cannot sleep because the upstairs neighbors are making
noise (the noise is expected given normal human activity and the thinness of
the floor); because of a car crash, I lose a limb; and so on. These cases are
especially true when the people who are causally
responsible for the harm are also not
morally responsible for it, and such cases often involve actions neither
intended nor foreseen to cause harm. (In some cases, even if the action is
foreseen to cause harm, it is arguable whether the caused harm is morally wrong.)
Now let’s get
back to microaggressions. According to their advocates, many of them—perhaps
the majority of them, if we are to give full due to the “micro” part of the
concept—are unintentional, due to implicit bias. The Warda-David example above
is as good as any: David unintentionally micro-aggresses against Warda in being
intellectually tougher on her than on other students. But it is not clear that
the harms Warda suffers as a result are morally wrong. That is, if the actions
are neither intended nor foreseen by David to cause harm, it is not clear that
they morally wrong Warda.
Someone might
claim that David has the duty to scan his psyche and cleanse it of implicit
bias. So even if he neither intends nor foresees his actions to cause harm, he could have foreseen this were he to have
morally monitored himself better. (We do sometimes hold people morally culpable
for things they should have known or done—think of the responsibility of drunk
drivers.) So perhaps there is a sense in which he morally wrongs Warda in
causing her harm.
Perhaps. But the
conditions governing “could have” and “should have” are unclear. And they are
especially unclear in cases in which we desire to hold people accountable for
their sub-conscious characters. If, as many wish to claim, racism and sexism
and other bad -isms run deep in society—if they are structural, systemic, and
systematic; if the bias in question is implicit, not explicit, with all the
trappings and complexities of implicitness; and if, as seems to be true, people
tend to always believe the best about themselves and to deceive themselves
about who they are in order to come out looking better (especially morally),
then claiming that we can hold people culpable for their implicit bias is
cavalier at best.
I think it is in
those cases in which the micro-aggressor intentionally inflicts his microaggression
on another that we can most easily assign the status of moral wrong to the
resultant harm. In all other cases this status is unclear. Because of this,
their harm is either not morally wrong, or, if it is, it is not because they
are wrongs inflicted on people by other people, in which case we need a good
account of the reasons for their being wrong (or morally objectionable in some
other way) but not wronging.
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I have argued in
this post that the harms of microaggressions are elusive because their impact
is hard to measure, and because their nature is typically mentally mediated. I
have also argued that even if we can securely establish their identity, whether
they are morally wrong is a separate question, one not easy to answer. For
these reasons, resting the moral wrongs of microaggressions on their resultant
harms is not a good idea because it undermines the case for taking
microaggressions seriously.
If harms do not
ground the moral wrongness of microaggressions, I fear that not much else does.
This further convinces me that the concept of “microaggression” is ill-founded.
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